The reason Nepal was able to get a constitution this time was the strong sense of unity displayed by Big Three. There were many efforts to break the pro-constitution alliance. So a lot of credit goes to Sushil Koirala, KP Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal for soaking up most of the pressure and not deviating from their one-point goal of timely constitution. Preferably, at least one or two Madheshi parties should have been on board, but it wasn't meant to be. The Big Three, nonetheless, decided to push ahead with the constitution. It was the right decision. The nearly-decade long (and seemingly interminable) political transition had cost the country a lot. With all the focus on politics, vital economic issues directly linked to people's livelihood had taken a backseat. The bad situation was made worse by the devastating earthquake. The resulting losses, both in terms of human lives and infrastructure, threatened to push back the development agenda by decades. Post-earthquake, the goal of Nepal graduating to 'developing country' status by 2022, with the attendant benefits for its citizens, had started to appear increasingly unrealistic.So it was great to witness Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and UCPN (Maoist) set aside their differences and come to the same platform to ensure timely constitution and, with it, to embark on the campaign to Build Back Better after the devastating earthquake. It was wonderful to see our main political actors for once rise above their petty interests for the greater good of the country and the people. But the job is only half-done. Having a new constitution will be meaningless if it can't be implemented. As things stand, at least 100 laws that clash with the new constitution need to be urgently amended. Various commissions need to be set up. Then there is the even trickier task of trying to take the forces that are unhappy with the new constitution into confidence. All this will be possible only if the spirit of unity between the Big Three is kept intact, at least until the next parliamentary elections. The onus to preserve this unity lies, above all, with caretaker Prime Minister Sushil Koirala.
He had in the past repeatedly promised he would resign as prime minister the day the new constitution was promulgated. According to the gentleman's agreement between Nepali Congress and CPN-UML back in February 2014, UML would support NC-led government until the promulgation of new constitution, after which, we were given to understand, UML would get to lead the new government. Since UML has stuck by its side of the bargain, NC leadership should now reciprocate the continued goodwill displayed by UML until the promulgation of new constitution. This does not mean we support any particular party or candidate as new prime minister. Our only concern is possible breakdown of the unity of purpose displayed by the Big Three leaders and its likely impact on national politics. Sushil Koirala's legacy as the leader who led constitution-making process in the Constituent Assembly to its successful conclusion—something which four previous governments had failed to do—is forever secure. His reluctance to vacate the PM's chair, at the cost of fracturing the pro-constitution alliance, will greatly diminish this legacy. He should be helping, not hindering, efforts at widening the support for new constitution.
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