Hundred days have passed since the RSP formed a majority government backed by strong public support. RSP loyalists, especially pro-Balen supporters, have viewed this period as a fruitful phase that would set the country on the right course. However, critics and independent thinkers have pointed out that the government fell short of its commitments. As per media reports, only 38 out of 100 action plans have been implemented in the first 100 days.
On the leadership front, Shah’s unpredictable and eccentric working style has irked the political class and failed to convince a large section of the public that this is indeed a new government with a new approach to governance. Shah—the prime minister and a key figure of the new political setup—was a major focus throughout the first three months; the public kept itself busy discussing what he dons, what he eats, and even waiting for his Facebook posts. True, the new party has broken the political shackles and formed the government, but cult culture remains firmly embedded in Nepalese politics.
Rise of an outsider
Shah’s emotional lyrics portraying people’s plights resonated with a large section of the population. Coalition politics, stalled infrastructural projects, and an ossified bureaucracy had left people disillusioned for decades. Seeing all this, Shah decided that his entry into politics was important to dismantle the entrenched political order. To start with, he announced his independent candidacy for the mayoral position of Kathmandu. Shah appeared in TV interviews and communicated his plans for Kathmandu, mainly stressing sanitation, preservation of cultural heritage, and infrastructural development. Thanks to his aggressive promotional campaigns, Shah secured the mayoral seat of Kathmandu with a landslide victory.
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After assuming the mayoral position, he reduced his public appearances, shunning media outlets and journalists. He largely relied on his Facebook posts to communicate with the outside world. In his capacity as mayor, Shah cracked down on illegally built structures, often coming across as hostile to poor vendors on footpaths. The Tukucha River was revived during his tenure—something that his Facebook supporters still pride themselves on. Meetings of the municipal executive were livestreamed, ensuring transparency. However, the capital expenditure of KMC revealed that Balendra Shah did not have a stellar tenure. The best performance based on this indicator came in 2023, when KMC spent 44 percent of its capital budget. Shah’s interviews were pleasant to hear, but the gap between promises and reality concerned those who cared about actions rather than words. Shah largely blamed the federal government for not coordinating with KMC on various fronts, including waste management in the Kathmandu Valley.
His strong, abusive language on Facebook was perceived as heroic by much of the general public; people felt that there was someone who could speak against the established order. When a KMC vehicle was stopped by the traffic police, Shah, writing on his Facebook wall, threatened to burn Singha Durbar. Even though the post was deleted later, it had already sparked widespread speculation. His supporters commented in his favour, while critics decried his irresponsible statement. Public faith in traditional parties was eroding to the point that Shah’s rage against them was seen as disruptive and charismatic. Now, Shah’s rise has ushered in the notion that politics does not always revolve around three parties and their seasoned players.
Governance beyond popularity
In a dramatic turn of events, Nepal saw this anti-establishment figure become its prime minister following the Gen Z revolt and the March 5 elections. The irony is that Shah joined the RSP, one of the parties he had sworn against before formally entering national politics. A Facebook status fraught with obscenities is unexpected from someone assuming a dignified public post. Shah did just that, reinforcing perceptions of his political inexperience. Once he became prime minister, he immediately decided to bulldoze squatter settlements across the country. While this could have been carried out in a systematic manner only after working out a relocation plan, he rushed through the process, causing panic among poor squatters. As mayor of Kathmandu, when Shah had tried to clear away squatter settlements, the Supreme Court stepped in, asking him to pause the operation until a proper relocation plan was in place. Now, as prime minister, Shah’s immediate action regarding the issue is interpreted as reprisal by his critics.
Shah came to power on the promise of keeping cronyism at bay, but his secretariat comprises his own close allies instead of experts. Kumar Byanjankar, his close friend, is his chief adviser. The most unusual step taken by the Shah government was the introduction of ordinances to pass laws despite having a nearly two-thirds majority in Parliament. While the removal of more than 1,500 political appointees from public institutions through ordinances was a welcome reform, the amendment of the Constitutional Council Act appeared controversial, especially after the Council bypassed three senior justices to appoint Manoj Kumar Sharma as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. If the appointment had been made with respect to previous practices, Sapana Malla—the senior-most justice—would have been the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The PM’s secretariat argued that merit should prevail over convention. But the bigger concern is the precedent it sets, as future governments could use the same reasoning to pick a Chief Justice of their choice.
In recent history, a former prime minister faced backlash for introducing an ordinance related to the Constitutional Council Act to influence important appointments in public institutions. Shah’s move to govern through ordinances has led critics to compare him with Oli and his authoritarian tendencies.
Since taking office, Shah has repeatedly been embroiled in controversy. His continued absence from Parliament has raised concerns about whether the prime minister heeds parliamentary norms at all. Shah’s prolonged absence from Parliament undermines the government’s accountability to the legislature—something that the RSP will not take pride in. Yes, Shah is ‘new’, but even the ‘new’ are obliged to follow some long-standing practices, including participating in House proceedings.
To make matters worse, Shah walked out of Parliament when the President was reading out the Policies and Programmes but did not find it necessary to justify his action. Instead, the MPs of the RSP came to his defence. He erroneously claimed that Nepal had also encroached upon Indian territory, but he did not apologise for his false claim in Parliament. Ever since taking up public responsibility—from his days as mayor—Shah has erred on multiple occasions, from writing abusive Facebook statuses to speaking without prior research. Yet, Shah is never seen admitting his mistakes or apologising for his faux pas. In Nepalese political history, cults like Shah have emerged and fizzled out after a certain period; one of the prime examples is KP Sharma Oli.
To sustain the career built through populism, Shah will have to govern responsibly and with maturity. When the initial euphoria wears off and his rhetoric stops sounding musical, the public will judge him based on tangible outcomes and whether he can convert his youthful energy into institutional governance. Donning a new outfit certainly gives Balen the benefit of the doubt, but it is only a matter of time before the public discovers what the ‘new’ truly has in store.
